
But it has been my privilege over the past ten years or so regularly to conduct a short service of worship on Remembrance Sunday at local war memorials. I abhor the pietism that refuses to hold such services on a Sunday; our men fought and died in the trenches of Europe every day of the week, and it is only fitting that we should employ the context of worship to give thanks for their sacrifice. If a wake can be justified on a Sabbath evening, a service of remembrance can be justified on a Sabbath morning.
In the business of war, at least, those who do not know their history are condemned to repeat it, and nothing is more eloquent than the names of those who left our villages all these years ago never to return. It is an insult to their memory, their bravery and their self-giving to think there is some virtue in not acknowledging their bravery and their service for a cause more noble than life itself.
How ironic, therefore, that the BBC should broadcast its first instalment of ‘A History of Scotland’ on Remembrance Day. Neil Oliver, who presented the programme, made no attempt to disguise his contempt for our Covenanting forebears and their religious fundamentalism. At least the BBC is being consistent. All our problems as a nation, apparently, are down to our religion.
The signing of the National Covenant in 1638 was one of the defining moments of our Scottish history. It was a national pledge of devotion to God, a recognition that there is a sovereign greater than the greatest parliaments of our land. In its historical context, it was undergirded by both political and religious considerations, and precipitated civil war throughout the kingdom.
But the religious dimension is not unimportant. The attempt to force a Prayer Book on the Presbyterian Church in Scotland showed how half-baked the Reformation had been south of the border. Scotland was different; Scotland recognized the important principle of the priesthood of all believers, however much Presbyterianism has managed to create its own hierarchies and control freaks. The democratization of Scotland owes no small debt to the idea, birthed in the church, that in Christ all social distinctions are dissolved, and the church is a community of equals.
The National Covenant is an important milestone in the principle of spiritual independence, woven into so much subsequent Scottish history. The Scottish people would not allow an earthly monarch to dictate the terms on which the church would be governed. Their covenant – their ‘contract with God’ as Neil Oliver put it – was a national commitment to the rule of Christ in his church through the Bible – ‘we believe with our hearts, confess with our mouths, subscribe with our hands, and constantly affirm, before God and the whole world, that this only is the true Christian faith and religion, pleasing God, and bringing salvation to man, which now is, by the mercy of God, revealed to the world by the preaching of the blessed evangel; and is received, believed, and defended by many and sundry notable kirks and realms, but chiefly by the kirk of Scotland…’
Based on biblical covenants between Israel and God, the National Covenant was not, and is not, in any sense, politically correct. It affirms the commitment of Scotland to a religion grounded on the Bible and embraced by the Church. That is nothing if not the logical outworking of the Reformation; Calvin’s doctrine of the church, for example, is that outside of it there is no ordinary possibility of salvation; if God is our Father, the church is our Mother, and we ought to revere her as such.
The BBC may dismiss all this as ‘extremism, fundamentalism and madness’, and Neil Oliver may intone his delight that ‘Once this was God’s country; it’s not any more’, but perhaps the issues at stake are higher than we realize. After all, hundreds of ordinary Scots were willing to give their lives throughout the seventeenth century in defence of the principles embodied within the National Covenant.
The Killing Times following this commitment were among the bloodiest Scotland has ever seen. Ministers who refused to submit to an imposed liturgy in worship conducted their services in the open air and could be put to death without any trial.
Yet Scotland’s Covenanting history is all but forgotten. Do our young people today know of Margaret Wilson and Margaret McLoughlin, tied to stakes and drowned in the Solway Firth for their loyalty to the principles of the Covenant? Or of John Brown of Priesthill in Ayrshire, shot by Graham of Claverhouse in front of his wife and children simply for being a Bible believing Presbyterian?
The National Covenant was followed by the signing of the Solemn League and Covenant some five years later. Of it, Burns wrote:
The Solemn League and Covenant
Cost Scotland blood — cost Scotland tears;
But it seal'd Freedom's sacred cause—
If thou'rt slave, indulge thy sneers.
Today’s Scotland is self-evidently not in slavery. For that reason, it is right to honour our glorious fallen who, for our tomorrow, gave their today. But there is another liberty woven into our history – the liberty of a church and a nation to honour God through the principles of his Word. In our honouring of the dead of the past, and what they secured for us, let us not dismiss the Covenanters as extremists who should have known better. For some of us, they are our heroes too.


